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The four imams · two of 4
Mālik ibn Anas
The one of the four who wrote a book. He spent something like thirty years on it, dropping material year after year, and the copies his students made at different points in that process are not the same book — which is why "al-Muwaṭṭaʾ, by Mālik" is a compression rather than a description.
How these pages are sourced. The biography and the bibliography are drawn from the standard
reference literature — the classical biographical dictionaries (al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī's Taʾrīkh
Baghdād, al-Dhahabī's Siyar Aʿlām an-Nubalāʾ, Ibn Khallikān, al-Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ's
Tartīb al-Madārik, Ibn Abī Yaʿlā's Ṭabaqāt al-Ḥanābila), the bibliographical
surveys (Ibn an-Nadīm's al-Fihrist, Ḥājjī Khalīfa's Kashf aẓ-Ẓunūn, Brockelmann's
GAL, Sezgin's GAS), and modern scholarship in Islamic studies, including the
Encyclopaedia of Islam. Each entry in the catalogue names the sources it rests on.
Where the sources disagree, this page says they disagree and gives each position rather than
picking one quietly; where something is not known, it says so.
No ḥadīth is cited by number anywhere in this section. The numbering of a collection varies
between editions, and a citation that cannot be checked is worse than none — the hadith themselves
are in the hadith library, by number, where they can be read.
The name
Name
Abū ʿAbd Allāh Mālik ibn Anas ibn Mālik ibn Abī ʿĀmirمالك بن أنس, al-Aṣbaḥī al-Ḥimyarī al-Madanī. Beyond Abī ʿĀmir the names vary: Ibn Khallikān records that some read ʿUthmān for Ghaymān, and that Ibn Saʿd writes Khuthayl where others write Jathil.
Nisbas
al-Aṣbaḥī — from Dhū Aṣbaḥ, a clan of the Ḥimyar of Yemen; Ibn Khallikān notes that the whips called aṣbaḥiyya take their name from the same tribe. al-Ḥimyarī — the wider South Arabian affiliation. al-Madanī — his residence, and the nisba that governs his law. Where in Yemen Dhū Aṣbaḥ was is not established in any source consulted.
The Qurashī link
By alliance, not descent. Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr: "I do not know of anyone who denied that Mālik and his descendants were allies of Banū Taym b. Murra of Quraysh; and there is no disagreement about it except what is reported from Ibn Isḥāq" — who called them clients instead, and whom Mālik called a liar for it. The Taymī side settled it in his lifetime: asked to relieve a tax collector of "your client," ʿUthmān b. ʿUbayd Allāh answered, "He is not my client; he is an Arab man from the people of Yemen."
Born
93 AH / 711 CE is the dominant figure and the disagreement is real. Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ opens by calling it great, and lists 93 (Yaḥyā b. Bukayr, "the best known"; Abū Dāwūd; al-Dhahabī; and Mālik himself), 94, 90, 95, 96 and 97, the last of which al-Dhahabī calls anomalous. Schacht will not choose: "the date of his birth is not known. The dates given range between 90 and 97."
Where born
Madīna, or rather its outskirts. Ibn Bukayr says Dhū al-Marwa, a settlement to the north; the family then moved to al-ʿAqīq and Mālik later into the city itself, where he lived in the house of ʿAbd Allāh b. Masʿūd. Aḥmad b. Ṣāliḥ: "Mālik had no house of his own; he lived in rented accommodation until he died."
Died
179 AH / 795 CE, "the sound view, held by the majority of his companions and of the ḥadīth scholars after them, beyond counting." 178 and 180 are attested and rejected. The day is not settled — ʿIyāḍ lists the 14th of Rabīʿ al-Awwal (al-Wāqidī, Ibn Saʿd, al-Dhahabī), the 10th (Abū Muṣʿab, Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr), the 13th, the 11th and the 3rd. He died on a Sunday after twenty-two days of illness.
Aged
Between 84 and 92 depending on which report you take; 85 has the most named authorities behind it, and 87 the next most. Do not print a single figure.
Buried
al-Baqīʿ, "by consensus" (al-Dhahabī). He willed to be shrouded in white; the shroud cost five dinars. The prayer was led by the amir ʿAbd Allāh b. Muḥammad b. Ibrāhīm, a descendant of Ibn ʿAbbās deputising for his father over Madīna.
His mother is normally named al-ʿĀliya bint Shurayk al-Azdiyya, and there is a complication that should not be harmonised away. Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ also quotes the Taymī judge Muḥammad b. ʿImrān saying, "He is an Arab of Ḥimyar, of their own stock; there is no lineage between us and him except that his mother was a client of my paternal uncle" — on which basis ʿUmar Abd-Allah Wymann-Landgraf writes that on his maternal side Mālik "was of unspecified non-Arab background." Both are in the record.
Two well-known traditions about him ought to be flagged rather than repeated. His mother is said to have carried him three years, which Ibn al-Mundhir calls the well-known view; de Slane's footnote to Ibn Khallikān makes the sharp observation that on Ibn Khallikān's own chronology this would put Mālik's birth three years after his reputed father's death — and notes that Mālik's own doctrine set the maximum pregnancy at six years, longer than any other jurist's. And his great-grandfather Abū ʿĀmir is claimed as a Companion on the authority of one fourth-century Mālikī judge; al-Dhahabī: "I have not seen anyone mention him among the Companions."
Cloth, arrows, and the pigeons
His grandfather Mālik b. Abī ʿĀmir was one of the senior Successors, transmitted from ʿUmar, Ṭalḥa, ʿĀʾisha and Abū Hurayra, was one of the four who carried ʿUthmān by night to his grave, and was among those who wrote out the copies of the Qurʾān when ʿUthmān collected them — a claim ʿIyāḍ supports by noting that Mālik mentions it himself in the Jāmiʿ of his own Muwaṭṭaʾ, which is as good as this material gets.
The father is thinner. Two isolated reports survive and they are about different people. Abū Muṣʿab says Mālik's father was crippled and lived by making arrows, with a house at al-Ḥarf known as the Cripple's Palace; that report's attribution is anonymous. Ibn Bukayr says that his brother al-Naḍr sold cloth and Mālik was a cloth merchant with him before he sought knowledge — and that report has a named Muwaṭṭaʾ transmitter behind it. The English retelling that has him trading in grain is a mistranslation; ʿIyāḍ's word is bazz, drapery.
The trade is the source of the epithet. Anas b. ʿIyāḍ: "Mālik was with us that day, and he was known only as Mālik, brother of al-Naḍr; then his zeal in seeking knowledge continued until we came to say: al-Naḍr, brother of Mālik."
And there is the story of the pigeons, in his own words: "I had a brother the age of Ibn Shihāb. One day my father put a question to us; my brother got it right and I got it wrong, and my father said to me: the pigeons have distracted you. I was angered, and devoted myself to Ibn Hurmuz for seven years." Al-Aʿẓamī objects on chronology — if the brother was al-Zuhrī's age he was forty years older than Mālik, and a father does not test a fifty-year-old and a ten-year-old together — and adds that this kind of thing is common in the literature of virtues, "what is written in the manāqib of Abū Ḥanīfa and al-Shāfiʿī is worse still."
Where the sources disagree
Whether al-Naḍr was his brother or his uncle. ʿIyāḍ gives two rival classical lists of the uncles and concludes for the one that excludes al-Naḍr, treating him as the brother. Al-Dhahabī's Siyar lists four uncles and includes him. The two authorities land on opposite sides and the question is not resolved.
His wife is nowhere named in any source consulted. The daughters' names are unstable in the manuscripts — ʿIyāḍ reads Umm al-Bahāʾ where the digests read Umm al-Banīn.
His grandfather's death year is given as 112 by ʿIyāḍ and al-Kalābādhī and as 94 by other digests.
What he took, and from whom
ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. Hurmuz al-Aʿraj (d. 117) is the teacher he says he shut himself away with. How long is genuinely unsettled: the pigeons narrative says seven years, another transmission says eight, and al-Dhahabī's Siyar has Mālik say in the first person, "I sat with Ibn Hurmuz thirteen years, learning knowledge I did not divulge to anyone."
Nāfiʿ, the client of Ibn ʿUmar (d. 117), gives him the chain al-Bukhārī judged the soundest of all — Mālik from Nāfiʿ from Ibn ʿUmar. The reports about him are unusually domestic. Nāfiʿ had gone blind, and Mālik used to lead him by the hand from his house to the mosque. And: "I used to come to Nāfiʿ at midday, with no tree shading me from the sun, until he came out… then say: how did Ibn ʿUmar say concerning such-and-such? — and he would answer me. He had a sharp temper." The epithet "golden chain" is later usage; who coined it could not be established, and rival claims for the soundest chain exist — Aḥmad preferred al-Zuhrī–Sālim–Ibn ʿUmar, Yaḥyā b. Maʿīn preferred al-Aʿmash–Ibrāhīm–ʿAlqama–Ibn Masʿūd. The circulating figure of eighty golden-chain hadith in the Muwaṭṭaʾ is uncited and should not be repeated.
Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī (d. 124) — "we used to crowd at Ibn Shihāb's door" — and Rabīʿa b. Abī ʿAbd al-Raḥmān, "Rabīʿat al-Raʾy," whom Schacht calls the most important of his teachers. His mother sent him to Rabīʿa with an instruction worth keeping: "Go to Rabīʿa and learn from his manners before his knowledge." On Rabīʿa's death Mālik said the sweetness of jurisprudence departed. The "tension" between them that circulates in English writing could not be verified; the sources positively deny it, and he names Rabīʿa among the scholars who suffered for their stand as he had.
His criteria for a teacher survive better than most things about him. "Knowledge is not to be taken from four: a fool who parades his folly, though he be the most copious transmitter of people; an innovator who calls to his whim; one who lies in ordinary speech, though I do not accuse him regarding hadith; and a pious, worshipping, excellent man who does not memorise what he transmits." And to his nephew: "This knowledge is religion — so look to whom you take your religion from."
On the numbers, treat with care. A late formula has him taking from nine hundred shaykhs, three hundred of them Successors; al-Suyūṭī says ninety-five; al-Dhahabī names over a hundred and thirty and gives no total. The low figure is the defensible one.
Who carried it, and where
Four Egyptians and one Andalusian did most of the work of turning a Medinan teaching circle into a school with a geography.
ʿAbd al-Raḥmān b. al-Qāsim (d. 191) kept his company about twenty years and is the substantive authority behind the Mudawwana; Mālik called him a true jurist, as against Ibn Wahb, who had merely learned. ʿAbd Allāh b. Wahb (d. 197) also gave him twenty years, heard from more than four hundred teachers, and produced some thirty volumes of Mālik's material; his own line is worth quoting — "had it not been that God rescued me through Mālik and al-Layth, I would have been lost." Ashhab (d. 204) survives only because Qayrawān kept his books. Yaḥyā b. Yaḥyā al-Laythī (d. 234), a Berber from Algeciras, carried the Muwaṭṭaʾ to Córdoba, and his recension became the vulgate because Mālikism became the state school of Umayyad Spain.
Al-Shāfiʿī came to him having already memorised the Muwaṭṭaʾ and read it to the assembled circle over eight months, with al-Layth b. Saʿd and Ibn al-Qāsim among the listeners; Mālik handed him the book. And Muḥammad al-Shaybānī, the Ḥanafī, took a recension away with him and printed his own school's answers underneath.
Saḥnūn, on whom the whole Western school rests, never met him. Mālik died before he could reach Madīna, and he learned the doctrine through Mālik's pupils, chiefly ʿAlī b. Ziyād of Tunis.
Where the sources disagree
The figure "1,300 students" is a misreading that has spread widely. The 1,300 is Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ's roster in Tartīb al-Madārik of the whole Mālikī school across nine generations in eight volumes, not of Mālik's direct students. The real counts of Muwaṭṭaʾ transmitters are 79 (Ibn Nāṣir al-Dīn), 81 (al-Zurqānī), about 93 with additions, and "about one hundred" (al-Aʿẓamī).
Al-Layth b. Saʿd was not his student. They were born a year apart, 93 and 94, and al-Layth died four years before him. He appears in neither ʿIyāḍ's roster nor al-Mizzī's list. What the two had was a correspondence — and al-Shāfiʿī reportedly rated al-Layth the greater jurist of the two, "but his companions did not sustain him."
Abū Muṣʿab al-Zuhrī was not the last to transmit the Muwaṭṭaʾ, though it is said constantly. Al-Dhahabī records that the last of Mālik's companions to die was Abū Ḥudhāfa al-Sahmī, who outlived him by eighty years. The defensible formulation is that Abū Muṣʿab's is one of the latest states of the text.
Stretched between two poles
In 146 or 147, on the governor's order, Mālik was stripped and flogged in Madīna, and his arms were pulled until his shoulders came out of their sockets. He never recovered the full use of them. Ibrāhīm b. Ḥammād: "I used to watch Mālik, when he rose from his session, carry one hand with the other."
The occasion was a hadith. He transmitted, from Thābit b. al-Aḥnaf, that there is no valid divorce upon a man under compulsion — and the inference is immediate: if a coerced divorce is void, so is a coerced oath of allegiance, and the oath to al-Manṣūr had been taken in Madīna under compulsion. Muḥammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya had risen in Madīna in 145 and been killed; Jaʿfar b. Sulaymān, the caliph's cousin, arrived to restore the oath, and courtiers who envied Mālik told him what Mālik was saying. Abū'l-ʿArab's account records the method: Jaʿfar "planted upon him someone Mālik would not fear to be attacked from — and one is attacked from where one feels safe — who asked him about it in secret, and he gave him the fatwā, out of trust in him and out of sincerity."
What he said under the lash comes from al-Dārāwardī, who says he was the closest of creation to him at that moment: "I heard him say at every single lash: O God, forgive them, for they do not know." And Mālik's own memory of it, which is not edifying at all and is better for that: "Nothing on the day I was beaten was harder on me than the hair on my chest; my izār was torn and my thigh showed through it — so I vowed to God that if I got a new one, I would leave no hair on me."
Afterwards, and this is the part the sources agree on most strongly, it made him. Ibn al-Nadīm: "he never ceased after that to be in elevation and eminence — as if those whips had been jewellery upon him." Al-Layth b. Saʿd: "I hope God raises Mālik a degree in Paradise for every lash." Al-Dhahabī's own gloss is drier: "this is the fruit of a praiseworthy trial, that it raises the servant in the eyes of the believers; and in any case it is by what our own hands have earned."
Where the sources disagree
How many lashes. Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ lists them in a single sequence and the sequence is the honest answer: thirty (Muṣʿab al-Zubayrī), thirty-odd, sixty, seventy (Bukayr b. Ibrāhīm), seventy-odd, eighty and a hundred, the last two on Ibn al-Qāsim's authority. The earliest narrative sources give no number at all — not Ibn al-Nadīm, not al-Wāqidī, not al-Ṭabarī as al-Dhahabī quotes him.
Who ordered it. Al-Dhahabī sets two accounts side by side and opens by saying al-Ṭabarī reports that Mālik was flogged "and the reason for it is disputed." In one, al-Manṣūr himself forbade him the hadith, planted a questioner, and had him flogged when he answered publicly. In the other, from Ibn Saʿd and al-Wāqidī, the governor did it on a courtiers' denunciation and the caliph knew nothing. The apology reports depend on the second; a version preserved by al-Mundhir, in which Jaʿfar wrote to the caliph and the caliph wrote back "flog him," flatly contradicts them.
What he was actually flogged for. ʿIyāḍ preserves the majority answer — the coerced oath — and then preserves the dissent rather than tidying it. Ibn Bukayr: "he was beaten only over his placing ʿUthmān above ʿAlī; the Ṭālibīs denounced him until he was beaten," and when told he had contradicted his colleagues, "I know better than my colleagues." Aḥmad b. Ṣāliḥ said it was over divorce pronounced before marriage; Abū Dāwūd dismissed that. Ibn Kināna said it was over the rulers' oaths and over paying them the alms.
Note what the classical reports do not say. None of them says he supported the revolt. They say he issued or transmitted a legal position with a subversive implication and stayed in his house. Several modern reference works flatten this into "flogged for supporting an ʿAlid rebellion" — Brockopp, Abou El Fadl, the Encyclopedia of Religion. That is an interpretive step, not a transcription.
Whether Jaʿfar was forgiven. ʿIyāḍ gives two endings and they cannot both stand. In one, Jaʿfar asked for absolution on his second term and got it — "I acted ignorantly and was led astray" — and al-Aṣmaʿī says he himself walked between them. In the other, Jaʿfar rode up to Mālik at the standing on ʿArafa and asked to be absolved on a day when God forgives, and Mālik said: "No, by God — not until you and I meet before God." And he turned back.
The offer to make his book the law
A caliph is supposed to have proposed making the Muwaṭṭaʾ the law of the empire, and Mālik is supposed to have refused. The refusal is the most quoted thing about him after the book itself, and it exists in at least five incompatible versions.
In one, al-Manṣūr commissioned the book — "compose for the people a book by which I may carry them" — and Mālik had not finished it when the caliph died. In another, al-Manṣūr proposed to write it out in liquid gold, hang it in the Kaʿba and carry the people upon it. In a third group, and this is the family al-Aʿẓamī accepts, the book already existed and the caliph merely saw it on pilgrimage and proposed to impose it. In a fourth, the request comes immediately after the flogging, from a caliph who has just apologised. And in a fifth, preserved by Abū Nuʿaym, it is Hārūn al-Rashīd, not al-Manṣūr, who consults him about hanging the book in the Kaʿba.
In every version he refuses, and the reason he gives is always the same shape: the Companions dispersed into the lands and each gave judgement in his own city according to what he saw. Al-Wāqidī has him say it at length — "leave the people and what they are upon, and what the people of each land have chosen for themselves" — and the caliph answer, "by my life, had you obeyed me in that I would have ordered it."
The threat in the caliph's mouth is what makes the anecdote worth reading. When Mālik says the people of Iraq will not accept Medinan knowledge, al-Manṣūr's reply in one version is: "their commonalty will be struck over it with the sword and their backs cut over it with whips," and in another, "whoever opposes it, I strike off his neck."
Where the sources disagree
Whether it happened at all. Wymann-Landgraf states the position exactly: "the authenticity of the account has been called into question, although al-Manṣūr's petition makes political sense" — the doubt tracing to Sezgin. The political logic is strong: Madīna was esteemed for learning and its loyalty to the ʿAbbāsids was suspect, so Mālik's compliance would have been an influential endorsement, and al-Manṣūr tried the same manoeuvre on Abū Ḥanīfa with a judgeship.
The strongest evidence for the setting is physical. Wymann-Landgraf notes it is unlikely the request was made of Mālik alone: there was a flourish of activity among Medinan jurists composing works all titled Muwaṭṭaʾ before Mālik composed his, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz b. al-Mājishūn (d. 164) being the first — and a fragment of Ibn al-Mājishūn's Muwaṭṭaʾ survives in the archives at Qayrawān, written before 152/769. Al-Aʿẓamī reached the same conclusion independently and reproduces the pilgrimage folio Muranyi published. Two separate lines of evidence converge on a datable Medinan compilation drive in exactly the years the anecdote presupposes.
Which caliph. The classical sources split between al-Manṣūr and Hārūn, and so do the modern reference works — English-language encyclopaedias divide the same way. A version attributing it to al-Maʾmūn is chronologically impossible; he was about nine when Mālik died.
His books
Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ's preamble to his own chapter on Mālik's other works is the most important sentence in the whole question, and he wrote it in the twelfth century: "Mālik has noble compositions transmitted from him, most of them by sound chains, in more than one branch of knowledge; but none of them became widely known from him, and he was not assiduous in having any of them heard and transmitted, except the Muwaṭṭaʾ — deleting from it and abridging it little by little."
Schacht's counterpart is shorter: "as for whether Mālik produced works other than the Muwaṭṭaʾ — this is a matter of doubt." So: one book, plus a penumbra of short epistles of varying and sometimes indefensible authenticity, plus a great mass of school literature that is not his at all.
And even the one book is not one book. Around ninety to a hundred students are named as having transmitted it whole; ʿIyāḍ knew of about twenty textual recensions "and some have said thirty"; four survive complete in print. The most divergent of them shares less than a quarter of its text with the standard one.
17
works catalogued here
2
from his own hand or dictation
6
reach us through students
9
attribution doubted or rejected
al-Muwaṭṭaʾ
الموطأ
"The Well-Trodden Path" — hadith, the sayings of Companions and Successors, the settled practice of Madīna, and Mālik's own rulings, arranged by chapter of law.
His own bookHadith and fiqh
Whose book
His own book, and the outstanding exception in this whole catalogue. Yasin Dutton's recent study affirms Mālik's authorship while placing it in the teaching and transmission practice of the second century: he dictated, students read back, and he revised — for decades. Abū Muṣʿab reports that he was still working on it when the caliph al-Manṣūr died in 158/775. Apart from Zayd b. ʿAlī's Majmūʿ, it is the oldest surviving book of Islamic law.
How it reaches us
This is where the interesting part is. Around ninety to a hundred students are named as having transmitted the whole book from him. Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ knew "about twenty" textual recensions, "and some have said thirty"; fourteen to sixteen can be identified today; four survive complete in print — Yaḥyā b. Yaḥyā al-Laythī (d. 234/848), Muḥammad al-Shaybānī, Abū Muṣʿab al-Zuhrī (d. 242/856) and Ibn Bukayr (d. 231/845) — with al-Qaʿnabī's surviving in a single manuscript in Istanbul. Yaḥyā al-Laythī's is the vulgate, and it became so because Mālikism became the state school of Umayyad al-Andalus; he came to Mālik in the last year of the imam's life and did not hear the whole text from him, filling the gaps from the Andalusian Ziyād "Shabṭūn". Al-Qaʿnabī's reading, by contrast, was done in 161 or 163 AH, some eighteen years earlier — and it lacks reports that all the later recensions have, which is the evidence that Mālik was still adding.
Does it survive
Extant. Standard text ed. Muḥammad Fuʾād ʿAbd al-Bāqī (Cairo, 1951); critical edition by M. M. al-Aʿẓamī (Abu Dhabi, 2004, 8 vols). English: ʿAbdalhaqq and Aisha Bewley (1989), and the Royal Moroccan edition supervised by Mohammad Fadel and Connell Monette, distributed by Harvard University Press (2019) — both from Yaḥyā's recension.
Used for
The standard curriculum text wherever Mālikism prevails, especially in North and West Africa, and studied everywhere as the earliest muṣannaf. On the number of hadith: the classical figure is Abū Bakr al-Abharī's (d. 375/985) — 1,720 reports in all, of which 600 are connected to the Prophet ﷺ, 222 mursal, 613 from Companions and 285 from Successors. Modern numberings vary because they count different things. On al-Shāfiʿī's famous remark that there is no book on earth after the Book of God sounder than Mālik's: the substance is well transmitted, the exact wording is not stable, and both al-Dhahabī and al-Nawawī note that it was said before al-Bukhārī and Muslim compiled. It was never a claim that the Muwaṭṭaʾ outranks the two Ṣaḥīḥs.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, Tartīb al-Madārik 1/202–3 · al-Aʿẓamī, ed. al-Muwaṭṭaʾ, muqaddima 1/86–114, 188–89 · Dutton, "The Ur-Muwaṭṭaʾ and Its Recensions", Islamic Law and Society 28/4 (2021) · al-Zarkashī, al-Nukat 1/192, quoting al-Abharī
al-Muwaṭṭaʾ, recension of Muḥammad al-Shaybānī
موطأ مالك برواية محمد بن الحسن
The Ḥanafī reading of the Mālikī book, with the Ḥanafī answer appended after each entry.
A student's recensionHadith and fiqh
Whose book
Al-Shaybānī studied with Mālik in Madīna — his own words are "I stood at Mālik's door for three years and a bit" — and transmitted the book with his own comments attached, typically qāla Muḥammad: wa-bihi naʾkhudh, "and this is what we hold," giving the Ḥanafī position after Mālik's.
How it reaches us
Directly from Mālik, into the Ḥanafī school.
Does it survive
Extant, and the outlier. A computational collation by the KITAB project found Yaḥyā's and Abū Muṣʿab's recensions sharing roughly three quarters of their text with each other, while al-Shaybānī's overlaps less than a quarter with either — it "resembles a commentary rather than a straightforward recension." It carries additional Iraqi material, and, tellingly, lacks the passages hostile to Iraq that Yaḥyā's recension carries. Of its roughly 1,180 reports, 1,005 come from Mālik, thirteen from Abū Ḥanīfa and four from Abū Yūsuf.
Used for
Famous in the Ḥaramayn and in India, usually read with al-Laknawī's commentary al-Taʿlīq al-Mumajjad. It is the best single illustration of what a recension is: the same book, and not the same book.
Sources — Sarah Bowen Savant, KITAB project, "A Tale of 3 Versions" · al-Sibāʿī, al-Sunna wa-Makānatuhā 1/434 · Maribel Fierro, Islamic Law Blog, Muwaṭṭaʾ Roundtable
al-Mudawwana al-Kubrā
المدونة الكبرى
Some thirty-six thousand legal questions — the book Mālikī law actually runs on.
The school's book, not hisFiqh · responsa
Whose book
Not a work of Mālik, and it is worth being blunt about that. It is third-generation. Asad b. al-Furāt, who had studied with Mālik in Madīna and then with Abū Yūsuf and al-Shaybānī in Kufa, brought the Iraqis' hypothetical questions to Ibn al-Qāsim in Egypt and got answers from Mālik's doctrine — the Asadiyya. Saḥnūn then carried that text back to Ibn al-Qāsim, went through it with him question by question (Ibn al-Qāsim retracted some of his earlier answers), and rearranged, chaptered and supplemented the result. The classic summary: "Mālik with his answers, Ibn al-Qāsim with his analogies and his additions, and Saḥnūn with his ordering, refining, chaptering and some additions."
How it reaches us
Mālik → Ibn al-Qāsim (d. 191/806), who kept his company some twenty years → Asad b. al-Furāt (d. 213/828) → Saḥnūn (d. 240/854). Saḥnūn never met Mālik; the imam died before he could reach him. The books Saḥnūn did not revise kept their original mixed state and gave the work its second name, al-Mukhtaliṭa, "The Mixed".
Does it survive
Extant; no manuscript of the Asadiyya survives at all. Early Mudawwana material is preserved at Qayrawān. The title al-Mudawwana al-Kubrā is modern, given with the first printed edition of 1323/1905. Caution: Jonathan Brockopp, working from the manuscript fragments, notes that the interlocutors are not always identified, which suggests a composite text rather than one hand — and that of the three dates the sources give for Saḥnūn's journey east, "every one represents a different polemical position, and none may reflect historical reality."
Used for
The foundational reference of Mālikī substantive law and the base of the whole commentary tradition — al-Barādhiʿī's Tahdhīb, Ibn Abī Zayd's abridgement, al-Lakhmī's Tabṣira.
A short letter to the great jurist of Egypt, arguing that the practice of Madīna is binding — and the long reply that says it is not.
His own bookLetter · legal theory
Whose book
Transmitted and vouched for by Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, who says "we have transmitted it also, and we set it out in full at the beginning of the book, because it is short" — that is, he prints the text himself. Ibn Farḥūn calls it "famous and current among the scholars." No classical rejection of it is recorded, and it has not had the source-critical treatment the Muwaṭṭaʾ has; Schacht does not list it among the attributed works at all, neither to affirm nor deny.
How it reaches us
Both letters — Mālik's and al-Layth's — are preserved together in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya's Iʿlām al-Muwaqqiʿīn.
Does it survive
Extant and complete.
Used for
The single best text for the fault line between Madīna and Egypt, and the most explicit statement of the ʿamal ahl al-Madīna doctrine in Mālik's own voice. Al-Layth's answer is the sharper document: he points out that Rabīʿa and al-Zuhrī — Mālik's own teachers, and eminent Medinans — themselves departed from the practice, and that the Companions settled in Egypt, Syria and Iraq too. Note that the two men were born a year apart, 93 and 94; al-Layth was not Mālik's student but his correspondent and near-equal.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, Tartīb al-Madārik 1/207 · Ibn Farḥūn, al-Dībāj al-Mudhahhab 1/126 · Ibn al-Qayyim, Iʿlām al-Muwaqqiʿīn · Dutton, The Origins of Islamic Law
Risāla fī'l-Qadar wa'l-Radd ʿalā'l-Qadariyya
رسالة في القدر والرد على القدرية
On the divine decree, written to his Egyptian student Ibn Wahb.
Attribution disputedCreed
Whose book
The best-authenticated of the short epistles — by the tradition's own reckoning. Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ gives two full chains and concludes "this is a sound chain, its men well known, all of them trustworthy"; al-Dhahabī agrees, "and its chain is sound." ʿIyāḍ calls it the most famous of them and "one of the choicest books in this field." Against that, Schacht files it among the non-legal attributions and applies his blanket verdict of doubt to the whole group. So the Mālikī tradition grades the chain sound and the leading orientalist authority does not accept the group — and the page reports both rather than choosing.
How it reaches us
Written to ʿAbd Allāh b. Wahb, and transmitted from him by two independent Andalusian and North African lines.
Does it survive
Only in excerpts. Ibn ʿAsākir quotes passages from it in two places in Tabyīn Kadhib al-Muftarī. No complete text or critical edition was found.
Used for
Cited in discussions of Mālik's theology, where the material is thin enough that a few quoted paragraphs carry a lot of weight.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, Tartīb al-Madārik 1/204 · al-Dhahabī, quoted in al-Aʿẓamī 1/63 · Schacht, EI², "Mālik b. Anas"
Risāla ilā Hārūn al-Rashīd
رسالة إلى هارون الرشيد
A book of counsel to a caliph on manners and admonition — and the clearest forgery in the Mālikī corpus.
Attributed but not hisAdab · mirror for princes
Whose book
Rejected by name, repeatedly, from within the school. Aṣbagh b. al-Faraj (d. 225/840), of the generation right after Mālik, "rejected it, and swore that it is not of Mālik's composition." Ismāʿīl al-Qāḍī (d. 282/895): "it is not sound, and its route to Mālik is weak, and in it are ḥadīths we do not know." Al-Abharī (d. 375/985): in it are munkar ḥadīths that contradict his principles — and, in another wording, ḥadīths such that had Mālik heard someone relating them, he would have disciplined him. Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī the same. Ibn ʿAttāb: the chain is a mistake and a transmitter has dropped out of it. Al-Dhahabī: "This epistle is forged." Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ is not himself among the rejecters — he is the source who preserves their rejections.
How it reaches us
The chains do not reach Mālik. ʿIyāḍ says so twice, in as many words.
Does it survive
Extant, complete, and in print — Cairo, Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalabī, 1373/1954, and widely available digitally. Survival is not authenticity, and the two facts belong side by side.
Used for
Still circulating and still quoted. Schacht's characterisation is useful for placing it: it is "the Mālikī counterpart to Abū Yūsuf's Kitāb al-Kharāj" — which is a statement about genre, and has been mistaken by at least one reference work for a statement that Mālik wrote a book on land tax. He did not.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, Tartīb al-Madārik 1/205–6 · al-Dhahabī, in al-Aʿẓamī 1/64 · Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist · Schacht, EI², "Mālik b. Anas"
On the stars, the reckoning of the year, and the mansions of the moon.
Attribution disputedAstronomy and calendar
Whose book
ʿIyāḍ grades the chain sound — "all its transmitters trustworthy" — and calls it "a good and very useful book; people have relied on it in this field and made it a foundation." But it rests on one man. Saḥnūn heard it from Ibn Nāfiʿ al-Ṣāʾigh, and it is "among what ʿAbd Allāh b. Nāfiʿ al-Ṣāʾigh transmitted from Mālik alone." That is the profile that ordinarily invites doubt, and ʿIyāḍ's sound grading sits oddly beside it. Schacht does not mention the work at all.
How it reaches us
Mālik → Ibn Nāfiʿ al-Ṣāʾigh (d. 186) → Saḥnūn, and onward through several North African and Andalusian lines.
Does it survive
Unknown. No surviving manuscript or printed edition could be traced. What is attested is its reception: Ibn Masrūr al-Qarawī built on it and opened his own chapters with it, and Ibn al-Makwī incorporated the whole of it into his Jāmiʿ.
Used for
Not in use. Listed because a bibliography that quietly drops the works it cannot find misreports the man.
ʿIyāḍ gives a full chain and, unusually, passes no verdict on it. Al-Dhahabī describes the item merely as "a juzʾ on tafsīr" — which means the Juzʾ fī'l-Tafsīr that some lists carry separately is not a second work but the same one under a description. Schacht groups it with the doubtful.
How it reaches us
Through Khālid b. ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Makhzūmī from Mālik.
Does it survive
Not established. One Arabic secondary source states it was printed under the title Marwiyyāt al-Imām Mālik with part of it lost; this could not be confirmed against a catalogue.
On judicial decisions, written for a judge, in ten parts.
Attribution disputedJudicial procedure
Whose book
ʿIyāḍ gives the chain and no verdict; al-Dhahabī mentions it without comment; Schacht lists it among the legal attributions under his general doubt. The last name in the chain is a nice detail — ʿAbd Allāh b. ʿAbd al-Jalīl, described as Mālik's own childhood tutor.
A letter on giving legal opinions, addressed to a Medinan contemporary.
Attribution disputedLetter · legal method
Whose book
ʿIyāḍ calls it famous and names two transmitters, Khālid b. Nizār and Muḥammad b. Muṭarrif, adding that Ibn Muṭarrif was a leading Medinan and a peer of Mālik rather than a pupil. Evidence it really circulated: Abū Isḥāq b. Shaʿbān quoted Mālik's positions from this epistle in his own book. Schacht groups it with the doubtful.
A single juzʾ transmitted by Ibn al-Qāsim, whose title nobody can agree on.
Attribution disputedUncertain
Whose book
The manuscripts do not even settle what it is called. Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ in Bakīr's edition reads al-Sirr, "the Secret"; Ibn Farḥūn reads al-Sīra; al-Aʿẓamī, summarising ʿIyāḍ, reads al-Siyar; Schacht, following al-Suyūṭī, reads al-Sirr. Neither ʿIyāḍ nor al-Dhahabī pronounces on its authenticity, and al-Dhahabī says only that it is one juzʾ.
How it reaches us
By licence: Ibn al-Qāsim from Mālik, thence through al-Ḥārith b. Miskīn and a chain of Andalusian scholars.
Does it survive
Not established.
Used for
Not in use. Listed for the title problem, which is instructive on its own.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, Tartīb al-Madārik 1/207 · Ibn Farḥūn, al-Dībāj 1/126 · Schacht, EI², "Mālik b. Anas"
Kitāb al-Manāsik
كتاب المناسك
A book on the rites of the pilgrimage, attributed to him on one authority.
Attributed but not hisFiqh of hajj
Whose book
The title rests on al-Suyūṭī alone, reported by Schacht, who groups it with the doubtful writings. No classical chain and no surviving text could be traced. Two likely sources of the confusion: Ashhab b. ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz wrote a Kitāb al-Ḥajj which survives at Qayrawān, and Ibn Wahb's own Muwaṭṭaʾ al-Ṣaghīr contains a Kitāb al-Manāsik.
How it reaches us
None established.
Does it survive
No text known.
Used for
Not in use.
Sources — Schacht, EI², "Mālik b. Anas", citing al-Suyūṭī
"al-Muwaṭṭaʾ al-Ṣaghīr"
الموطأ الصغير
A small Muwaṭṭaʾ sometimes listed as Mālik's second book. It is not his.
Attributed but not hisHadith and fiqh
Whose book
It is ʿAbd Allāh b. Wahb's. Ibn Wahb kept Mālik's company for some twenty years and wrote his own Muwaṭṭaʾ al-Kabīr and Muwaṭṭaʾ al-Ṣaghīr alongside his transmission of Mālik's. No classical bibliography attests a small Muwaṭṭaʾ by Mālik.
How it reaches us
Ibn Wahb's own composition.
Does it survive
Muwaṭṭaʾ Ibn Wahb al-Ṣaghīr is extant and published, arranged by chapters of law.
Used for
Read as an early Egyptian Mālikī text — which is what it is.
Sources — ʿIyāḍ and the Mālikī ṭabaqāt on Ibn Wahb · ʿUddat al-Burūq 1/84
al-ʿUtbiyya (al-Mustakhraja)
العتبية / المستخرجة من الأسمعة
A vast collection of what students had heard from Mālik and his circle — and the school's own scholars did not think much of it.
The school's book, not hisFiqh · responsa
Whose book
Compiled by Muḥammad al-ʿUtbī (d. 255/869). The classical verdict on it is sharply negative and deserves printing. Ibn Lubāba, quoted by both Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ and al-Dhahabī: "he is the one who compiled al-Mustakhraja, and multiplied in it the discarded transmissions and the anomalous questions" — and yet, as the later literature adds, people took to it anyway.
How it reaches us
Gathered from the asmiʿa, the audition-records of Mālik's students.
Does it survive
Extant, and its enduring importance is as the base text of Ibn Rushd al-Jadd's great commentary al-Bayān wa'l-Taḥṣīl.
Used for
Read through Ibn Rushd's commentary rather than on its own.
By ʿAbd al-Malik b. Ḥabīb al-Sulamī (180–238 / 796–853), "the scholar of Spain" — a polymath who also wrote on medicine, history and genealogy, and who was criticised as a transmitter for holding his chains loosely. He is also the first Andalusian to transmit the spurious letter to Hārūn al-Rashīd, which is a fair measure of his critical standards.
How it reaches us
His own composition, from his teachers in Madīna and Egypt.
Does it survive
In fragments, at Qayrawān, edited by Miklos Muranyi.
Used for
A primary source for the earliest phase of Mālikism in the West.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ on Ibn Ḥabīb · Muranyi's editions of the Qayrawān fragments
al-Risāla of Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī
الرسالة لابن أبي زيد القيرواني
The school's elementary handbook — one chapter of creed, then forty-four of law.
The school's book, not hisFiqh · handbook
Whose book
By Ibn Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī (310–386 / 922–996), called "the little Mālik" for his authority in the Maghrib. He wrote it for beginners, wanting learners "to precede their hearts to the understanding of the religion" while they were still memorising the Qurʾān. He is also one of the three named scholars who rejected the letter to Hārūn al-Rashīd.
How it reaches us
His own composition.
Does it survive
Extant, with an enormous commentary literature.
Used for
Still the standard first text of Mālikī law across the Maghrib and West Africa. Most Mālikīs meet the school through this book, not through anything of Mālik's.
Sources — Ibn Farḥūn, al-Dībāj · the standard Mālikī ṭabaqāt
al-Tamhīd and al-Istidhkār
التمهيد والاستذكار
Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr's two great commentaries on the Muwaṭṭaʾ — one on its chains, one on its law.
The school's book, not hisCommentary
Whose book
By Ibn ʿAbd al-Barr of Córdoba (368–463 / 978–1071), "the Bukhārī of the West". Al-Tamhīd is arranged by Mālik's teachers in alphabetical order and traces connected chains for the book's mursal reports; al-Istidhkār follows the Muwaṭṭaʾ's own order and expounds the law. Ibn Ḥazm on the first: "I know of nothing on the fiqh of ḥadīth like it — how then anything better?"
How it reaches us
His own composition. Notably, he studied al-Qaʿnabī's recension rather than the Yaḥyā recension his own region preferred.
Does it survive
Both extant and much printed.
Used for
The standard scholarly apparatus for reading the Muwaṭṭaʾ. Approximately a hundred commentaries exist on Yaḥyā al-Laythī's recension alone; the best known besides these are al-Bājī's al-Muntaqā, Ibn al-ʿArabī's al-Qabas and al-Zurqānī's Sharḥ.
Sources — Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ, Tartīb al-Madārik 1/199–201 · Ibn Ḥazm, quoted in the Mālikī ṭabaqāt